Britain's homopaedo establishment used freemason cops and special branch to hide their sinister debauchery
don hale Don Hale was threatened over exposure of establishment homopaedo's

Chilling day Special Branch swooped to seize ANOTHER dossier on VIP abusers: 16 MPs' names mentioned in 1984 report on paedophile lobby's influence in Westminster

The knock on the door came early one day in the famously dry summer of 1984. It was just after 8 am, and Don Hale, the young editor of the Bury Messenger, was reading the daily papers at his desk as his reporters were beginning to arrive at the office. As Hale, then 31, answered the door, a trio of plain-clothes detectives barged in, followed by a dozen police officers in uniform. What happened next was, in Hale’s words, ‘like something out of totalitarian East Germany rather than Margaret Thatcher’s supposedly free Britain’.

The detectives identified themselves as Special Branch, the division of the police responsible for matters of national security. ‘They began to flash warrant cards and bark questions,’ says Hale. ‘It was as if they were interviewing a potential criminal rather than a law-abiding newspaper man. ‘The officers told me that I should abandon plans to print a story that was scheduled to run in our next edition. If I didn’t, they told me to expect a long jail sentence.’

Initially bewildered by their threatening tone, Hale soon worked out the purpose of the police visit. The focus of their attention was an incendiary dossier he had been handed a few days earlier by long-serving Labour politician Barbara Castle. A powerful feminist and stalwart of the traditional Left, who served in Harold Wilson’s Cabinet, she was for years the MP for nearby Blackburn. One of her lifelong interests, as a principled advocate for the vulnerable and powerless, was child protection. To that end, she had become concerned at the rising influence of the paedophile lobby, which was then infiltrating the political Establishment, developing links with senior public figures, including MPs, peers, civil servants and police officers.

Mrs Castle was particularly alarmed, Hale recalls, about the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE), which had become officially ‘affiliated’ with the influential National Council for Civil Liberties, run by future Labour frontbenchers Harriet Harman, Patricia Hewitt and Jack Dromey. ‘To her frustration, politicians seemed unwilling to discuss this important issue,’ says Hale. ‘So, being aware of my investigative work in the local media, she approached me and we agreed to a meeting.’ Over tea and a bun at a local cafe, Mrs Castle opened a battered briefcase and handed Hale a bundle of extraordinary documents. They included typewritten minutes of meetings that had been held at Westminster in support of the paedophile agenda, along with details of a host of Establishment figures who had apparently pledged support to their cause.

No fewer than 16 MPs were on that list, several of them household names. Also mentioned multiple times was Tory minister Sir Rhodes Boyson, a well-known enthusiast for corporal punishment, and Education Secretary Sir Keith Joseph. ‘I don’t suppose you’d be interested in writing a story on this,’ Mrs Castle asked in what Hale describes as a tone of weariness. ‘She perked up when I told her that yes, I would be interested,’ he says, ‘though I warned her that I would have to make inquiries with the authorities about some contents of the dossier.’ Accordingly, a few days later he put in a call to the Home Office.

‘I could detect the antagonism from officials as soon as they answered,’ he says. ‘The institution that should have been protecting vulnerable children seemed more interested in stopping the Press from prying too closely.’ It was the morning after Hale made his call to the Home Office that Special Branch officers turned up at the Bury Messenger. Pushing him into a corner, they began barking orders.

‘Let me assure you that this story is not in the public interest,’ said a detective. ‘It cannot be printed, as a matter of national security.’ ‘That can’t be right,’ Hale told him. ‘Look, we’re not here to argue,’ the detective responded. ‘Are you going to hand over your papers?’ ‘No,’ Hale replied.

At this point, the officer produced a document, signed by a judge. It showed that his previous remark about not printing the story had not been a request, but an order. The document handed to Hale was a D-notice — a relic of wartime censorship that could be served on newspaper editors, allowing the Government to block any story that threatened national security. ‘If you don’t comply with this notice, we will arrest you for perverting the course of justice,’ the detective barked. ‘You will be liable for up to ten years in prison.’ At this point, Hale’s resistance collapsed. He had been plunged into a situation for which he had little experience.

In his first editorship and married with two children, he says he couldn’t afford to casually put his family and career at risk. The papers from Mrs Castle were swiftly confiscated, as were Hale’s notes and even his typewriter. ‘When I asked the reason for this strange act of expropriation, I was told it was being taken in case of allegations of fraud,’ he says.

‘One point I found interesting was that they all spoke with London accents,’ says Hale. ‘Not a single man was from Lancashire. It was obvious this was a Metropolitan Police raid, planned in the capital. ‘This was confirmed when, disobeying Special Branch’s instructions, I phoned Bury police about the incident. They knew nothing of it and were astonished.’ Rather less shocked was Barbara Castle. When Hale saw her a few days later, she told him: ‘I thought this might happen.’

‘I wish you’d told me,’ he replied. ‘I was totally unprepared. If I’d known, I might have been more discreet in my inquiries to the Home Office or been able to hide some of the papers.’ Mrs Castle apologised. ‘Well, this certainly shows the extent of the cover-up,’ she said. ‘We are fighting a formidable foe.’ Sadly, it wasn’t a foe that Barbara Castle would live to see defeated. Thanks to the D-notice, Hale never made further inquiries or made public the contents of the dossier. Castle went to her grave in 2002 with its contents still secret. She wasn’t the only one. In a scandal that has gripped Westminster, we recently learned that a similar dossier was handed to then Home Secretary Leon Brittan in 1983 by the late Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens.

Lord Brittan says he passed on that dossier to civil servants and prosecutors. But its contents seem never to have been properly acted on. Last week, the Home Office was forced to admit it is one of no fewer than 114 files relating to the paedophile lobby and PIE that are ‘missing’, presumed destroyed. Amid growing public disquiet, two public inquiries will now attempt to establish what happened. The first, by NSPCC head Peter Wanless, will focus on how the Home Office handled recent allegations of child abuse in the early Eighties. It will report in nine weeks.

Another investigation into the handling of child-abuse allegations by a range of public institutions, including schools, care homes and the Church, will last much longer. It is seeking a chairman, following this week’s resignation of the initial appointee, Baroness Butler-Sloss. Against this backdrop, Hale’s decision to reveal what happened in his office in 1984 carries huge significance, on a number of levels. Take, for example, his revelation about the role of Special Branch in shutting down his coverage of Establishment links to paedophiles.

It comes just a week after Tim Hulbert, a former Home Office employee, revealed that in 1979 he had been told to wave through the renewal of a £30,000 grant for PIE. Hulbert says his boss Clifford Hindley — a suspected paedophile — claimed ‘PIE was being funded at the request of Special Branch, who found it politically useful to keep an eye on paedophiles.’ If that isn’t coincidence enough, take also Hale’s revelation that two prominent Tories, Sir Rhodes Boyson and Sir Keith Joseph, were named in Castle’s dossier. This week, a former Tory activist called Anthony Gilberthorpe told a Sunday newspaper that he had been asked to procure under-age boys for drink and drug-fuelled ‘sex parties’ at political party conferences in the early Eighties.

And who were the two most senior figures Gilberthorpe named as being present at the debauched events? None other than Sir Keith Joseph and Sir Rhodes Boyson. While neither man is alive to defend themselves, and should, of course, be considered innocent until comprehensively proven guilty, this does, at the very least, appear uncanny. A third extraordinary coincidence concerns an event that occurred a few days after Hale’s visit from Special Branch.

When he first read Mrs Castle’s dossier, he had noticed that some of those named as parliamentary supporters of the paedophile lobby were Liberals. With this in mind, he’d contacted Jeremy Thorpe, the former party leader who, despite his retirement from front-line politics, remained a national figure. ‘Over the phone, Thorpe told me he would send someone from the party to discuss the matter with me in person at my Bury office,’ says Hale. And who should appear soon after but Cyril Smith, the apparently genial MP for Rochdale. We now know, thanks to heroic investigations by the present Rochdale MP Simon Danczuk, serialised by this newspaper, that Cyril Smith was a predatory paedophile who ruthlessly exploited his status to exploit vulnerable boys.

At the time, however, Hale was totally unaware of Smith’s sordid private life, and his name didn’t feature in Castle’s documents. ‘Perhaps my suspicions should have been raised by his dismissal of Barbara’s dossier when we met,’ he says. ‘It was all “poppycock”, Smith claimed, a result of Barbara “getting her knickers in a twist” because she was bored with her position as an MEP in Brussels. ‘Downplaying the whole business, Smith sought an assurance that I would not run any story about the dossier. When I refused, he left in a disappointed mood, and I continued my ill-fated investigation.’

We now know, of course, that Cyril Smith spent his life using friends within the Establishment to cover up paedophile activities. And the organisation which, more than any other, presided over shoddy cover-ups on his behalf was, once again, Special Branch. As Danczuk has revealed, a Lancashire police dossier on Smith containing credible allegations of abuse disappeared in the Seventies after being commandeered by Special Branch, who then demanded that local detectives stop investigating him.

Officers in Northamptonshire were instructed (via a phone call from shadowy officials in London) to release Smith from custody in the Eighties, after child porn was found in his car boot. Meanwhile, policemen in London have revealed they were repeatedly told, by unnamed superiors (also believed to be Special Branch), to release the 23 stone MP after he was caught performing sex acts with young boys in public toilets in St James’s Park. Don Hale, who is now 61, was in 2001 voted Journalist of the Year by What The Papers Say — an award normally reserved for reporters from the national media — for a brilliant campaign as editor of the Matlock Mercury in which he helped clear the name of a man who had wrongly been jailed for more than 20 years for a murder he did not commit.

He knows only too well how deep the tentacles of Smith and fellow paedophiles extended into the Establishment of the time. A few years later, he was contacted by reporters from the News Of The World, who had somehow learned of Castle’s paedophile dossier and wanted to talk to him about it. Soon after meeting them, Cyril Smith turned up unannounced in his office, claiming he ‘just happened to be in the area, ’ says Hale.

‘But the real reason was all too apparent: he had heard about the reappearance of the paedophile story and wanted to make sure that I would not pass on the information I had been given.’ In truth, however, there was no real chance of Castle’s dossier of information becoming public. The News Of The World was also told to ‘spike’ (not publish) the story, for reasons of national security.

‘Their reporters were leant on just as heavily by Special Branch as I had been,’ says Hale, barely able to suppress his anger. ‘The Press is a key weapon in a just society to expose wrong-doing. ‘But this whole saga shows that, in the case of paedophilia in the Seventies and Eighties, the Establishment had a profoundly warped sense of morality, preferring cover-ups to crime fighting.’

  • Matt Sandusky reveals true horror of his years of abuse at the hands of homopaedo stepfather Jerry
    Matt Sandusky and his homopaedo stepfather Jerry. One very good reason NOT to let homosexual's adopt

    'I thought maybe that was just the way he was with his family.' Matt Sandusky reveals true horror of his years of abuse at the hands of father Jerry to Oprah but says he STILL regrets speaking out against him

    Matthew Sandusky, Jerry and Dottie’s adopted son and a key witness in the sexual abuse trial, has revealed that the Penn State coach had singled him out at age eight and spent years grooming him for molestation. The 35-year-old husband and father opened up to Oprah Winfrey about the seven years of torment at the hands of the manipulative and controlling Jerry Sandusky in an exclusive hour-long interview that aired Thursday night on OWN. Matthew, one of the six children adopted by the Penn State coach, revealed that the Sandusky home was a very happy place to be - until bedtime.

    'The overnight visits were... they were good,' Matthew said during the interview. 'I mean, except for that one part: bedtime. Bedtime was the bad part.' Speaking out: Matthew Sandusky detailed his abuse at the hands of his father in an interview Thursday He explained: 'Any other time that we were in the home with the family, it was fine. You'd look at that family and you would say, "Wow. I wish that I had brothers and sisters that cared about me. I wish that I had a mother who cooked dinner every night for the whole family. I wish that I had all of these things. 'But then at bedtime, his ritual began.'

    According to Matthew, his father had all the children sleep in either underwear or mesh shorts to 'let their bodies breath.' As the family prepared to turn in, Jerry would enter his bedroom and 'blow raspberries' on his stomach, then move his hand 'south', rubbing up against his genitals. The bedtime ritual often involved Sandusky tickling the boy, pulling him off the bed and rolling around on the floor with him. ‘He would just be laying on me, he would be aroused,' Matthew recalled.

    ‘Then, as I now know, it’s oral sex – he’s doing it to you,’ Matt said, adding. ‘it’s very confusing to you because…you have a reaction. ‘For him to have done those things to me… forced me to do the same to him.’ The abuse victim revealed that while his adoptive father digitally penetrated him, the two never had anal sex - but not for lack of trying on Sandusky's part, according to Matthew.

    ‘In my mind, the only thing I could tell myself is, he’s gay,' he said. Matthew first met Jerry at age seven or eight through The Second Mile summer camp for underprivileged children, which Sandusky founded in the early 1970s. The boy came from a broken home, and his single mother enrolled Matthew in the camp to provide the child with positive male role models.

    Matthew said that his family’s abject poverty and his rough upbringing had made him the ideal victim for a predator. ‘He chose me and he picked me out from a camp of hundreds of other children,’ Matthew told Oprah when asked if he believed Jerry Sandusky targeted him from the beginning. Looking back on his relationship with the powerful football coach, Matthew said that manipulation on Sandusky’s part started from the first day they met.

    The 35-year-old Mr Sandusky detailed what he calls Jerry Sandusky’s ‘grooming process,’ in which the child molester gradually went from touching Matt on the knee while driving him to football practice to fondling and oral sex. ‘He would move further up my leg,’ Matt recalled, describing Sandusky’s actions as ‘awkward’ and nothing he had ever experienced with an adult before. He added: ‘I thought maybe that just the way he was with his family.’

    Matthew said a lot of the sexual contact took place in the locker room showers after racket ball games beginning when he was about 12 years old. As a child who came from nothing, Matt said that for awhile for he was willing to accept the '10 per cent' of torment at the hands of his adoptive father in exchange for having a real family. ‘Jerry Sandusky was everything a child would want,' he told Oprah.

    As a teenager, Matthew spiraled out of control, often getting in trouble, doing drugs and failing in school. Things came to a head when at age 16 he was arrested after accidentally burning down a barn. Jerry Sandusky confronted him and offered Matthew a stark choice: he could either move in with the family, or face time in a juvenile detention center. A year after Matthew settled in with the Sanduskys, he attempted to take his own life.

    Following the suicide attempt, Matthew told Oprah that the sexual abuse stopped - but the manipulation continued. The 35-year-old recalled how Jerry Sandusky would pull him into a room alone and check in with him to make sure that he did not talk to the police. Jerry and Dottie formally adopted Matt at age 18, giving him their last name in order to pave the way for him into Penn State, where Sandusky had friends in the administration.

    Addressing the significant delays in the investigation cited in a recent attorney general report, Matthew said Jerry Sandusky’s reputation in the community as a figure of authority and a leader convinced everyone for a time that he was innocent. Referring to his adoptive father’s pedophilia as an ‘illness,’ Matthew said that in his own ‘warped way,’ Jerry sincerely believed that he was expressing his love and caring for him and the other 31 victims who have come forward. ‘I think that he believed the things he was doing to us… it was love,’ Matthew said.

    Sandusky, who retired in June 30, 1999 as Penn State's defensive coordinator, was convicted in 2012 of molesting 10 boys over 15 years, some in the football team's showers on campus. The 70-year-old is now serving a 30- to 60-year state prison sentence. He had been expected to be a defense witness for his father until the trial, when he told investigators that he also had been abused.

    His story first became public when a secret tape of a 29-minute interview he did with police during the middle of his father's trial was leaked to NBC. He said he would sometimes cower 'in a fetal position' in his bed trying to avoid his father. In total, he said he suffered seven years of molestation at the hands of his adoptive father. He initially denied there had been any abuse before speaking out.

    In his hour-long conversation with Oprah, Matthew Sandusky explained that he had a change of heart about his role in his father's trial after he spoke with Victim 4, whose story of abuse at the hands of the coach sounded all too familiar. ‘How does he know my story?’ Matt said he wondered while listening to the man describe how Jerry would pull his arms back in the shower and have the boy touch his genitals. ‘His story was my story.’ But Matthew's decision to speak out and tell the truth about the abuse he had suffered came at a price, and to this day he believes that he should have kept quiet.

    ‘I can handle people attacking me; I handled the abuse… I can take it,’ Matthew said, growing emotional. ‘My wife is an innocent. My children… they’re innocent.’ In an interview for a documentary at the Sundance Film Festival in January, he said that he felt 'betrayed' by the entire Sandusky family after he took the decision to testify against his father. Dottie Sandusky, Jerry's wife of 50 years, has publicly condemned her adopted son, accusing him of lying in hopes of getting a settlement from Penn State. The Sandusky family also claimed that Matthew had stolen jewelry from them.

    The 35-year-old abuse victim dismissed Dottie's allegations, insisting to Oprah that he was not guilty of theft, and that his decision to come out and talk about the torment he had endured was not motivated by money - but rather by a desire to stop being a coward. 'I had numerous opportunities to tell people… and I didn’t. I was afraid of that man,’ he said of Jerry. Referring to his adoptive family, Matthew added: ‘They cared about me, they loved me. I owed that family everything. Everything I was and am I owed to them.'

    When asked if he believes Dottie Sandusky was kept in the dark about the abuse, Matthew Sandusky expressed doubt, but noted that the wife had never walked in on any sexual activity beyond some bedtime roughhousing. ‘In my mind I find it hard to believe that she would not have some kind of inclination,' he told Oprah. Last year, Matt reached a settlement with Penn State and petitioned to legally change his name, and that of his wife and four children.

    The interview comes a few weeks after Pennsylvania's attorney general released a review of the prosecution but found no evidence of political interference by then Governor Tom Corbett. The report, however, did reveal three years of 'inexplicable delays' to prosecute the former Penn State football coach on child abuse charges.

    The pedophile's home was not searched and the report notes that it took a full year, from March 2009 until March 2010, for the office to recommend charging Sandusky when 'Victim 1' came forward. It took more 18 months before Sandusky was arrested because the prosecutor's supervisors believed the testimony of one victim would be 'insufficient against a community icon like Sandusky'.

  • 'We are not in denial': Homopaedo Jerry Sandusky's family rally around the convicted child molester and proclaim his innocence after explosive Oprah interview with his adopted son Matthew
  • Labour peer Barbara Castle drew up dossier on VIP homopaedo's
    barbara castle File was seized by Special Branch 'heavy mob'

    Special Branch officers seized a paedophile dossier naming Establishment figures drawn up by Labour peer Barbara Castle in the 1980s, it was claimed yesterday.

    Officers citing ‘national security’ confiscated the file which listed 16 MPs along with senior policemen, headteachers and clergy, it was said. The dossier was collated by the late Baroness Castle of Blackburn who handed it to Don Hale, the editor of her local newspaper, the Bury Messenger. Mr Hale claimed a ‘heavy mob’ of Special Branch officers raided his office in 1984 and took away the file, threatening him with prison if he resisted.

    And he said that the day before the raid, Liberal MP Cyril Smith – since exposed as a predatory paedophile – had also visited the office, demanding that he bury the story. It would be the second paedophile dossier to have ‘disappeared’. A year earlier, a file handed to former Home Secretary Leon Brittan by Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens also went missing. This has now prompted Prime Minister David Cameron to set up a special inquiry into child abuse.

    Lady Castle put together 30 pages of information about alleged attempts by the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE) to infiltrate government while seeking funding and trying to persuade MPs to legalise sex with children. As well as key members of both the Commons and Lords, she found that about 30 prominent businessmen, public school teachers, scoutmasters and police officers had links to PIE. Yesterday Mr Hale, 61, said: ‘Barbara was horrified at the rapid extent of PIE’s involvement with key people and her file included details of about 16 household-name MPs.’

    He said Lady Castle – who at the time was Euro MP Barbara Castle – passed him the dossier and asked if he would write a story based on it. ‘I agreed to run something the following week but obviously had to contact certain MPs named – from the Labour, Liberal and Conservative parties – and the Home Office for their responses,’ said Mr Hale. ‘The next day, Cyril Smith came to my office. He must have heard about it, or been sent by, the former Liberal leader Jeremy Thorpe.

    ‘Cyril tried to persuade me that it was “all poppycock”. He said Barbara had her “knickers in a twist” since leaving the House and had become bored with wine lakes and sugar mountains in Europe. ‘He played down the whole episode and wanted an assurance that I wouldn’t run anything. ‘I couldn’t give that and he went away very disappointed. The next day the heavy mob arrived. Two or three police in uniform and half a dozen in plain clothes.

    ‘They came at 8am, before most people had arrived for work, and showed me warrant cards and a D-notice and something signed by a judge. They threatened me with five to ten years in prison and took away my notebooks and all the papers Barbara had given me. ‘It was a threat to national security, and not in the public interest, they told me. If I had said no, I would have been arrested. I had to give them assurances I had given them everything. They told me not to tell anyone, and the whole thing was over within half an hour.’ Mr Hale went on to be a campaigning editor at the Matlock Mercury newspaper known for his investigation that led to the freeing of Stephen Downing, wrongly jailed for the ‘Bakewell Tart’ murder.

    But he said it was the incident with the Lady Castle dossier that sparked his determination to expose cover-ups. He said: ‘Barbara had been a long-serving local MP and used to come and have a chat with me every couple of weeks. We had talked about a potential paedophile ring with MPs before, but she said no one would listen. ‘She asked me if I would take a look and run a story from her point of view. She objected to any funding of this organisation PIE, and was very concerned about the speed of their infiltration and the number of prominent names who were allegedly supporting them.

    ‘Barbara was horrified, too, at the prospect of Parliament approving legalised sex with children, often under the guise of educating them, and mentioned an influx of rent boys and unsavoury and unfortunate situations that had been covered up by the authorities.’ He said she had not been surprised when he told her about the visit from Special Branch. ‘She sort of expected it,’ he said. ‘This was a powerful organisation and she reluctantly admitted she was fighting a formidable foe. She apologised for the hassle it caused me.’

    Lady Castle died in 2002.

    Mr Hale said of the dossier: ‘It was 30 years ago, so I can’t remember the names and full details, but I was sworn to secrecy by Special Branch at the risk of jail if I repeated any of the allegations.’

  • Mass arrest of 660 British homopaedo's included ex-cops VIDEO
    Two Scots in Thatcher gov Nicholas Fairbairn and Dr Alistair Smith accused of homopaedo abuse of boys
    Fairbairn was a top lawyer and knighted by the Queen

    THE two top Scots Tories from Margaret Thatcher’s ­Government were last night linked to an alleged child abuse ring.

    Former Kinross and Western ­Perthshire MP Sir Nicholas Fairbairn and former party Scottish chairman Dr Alistair Smith were named as suspects in the historic abuse of underage boys. Last night, Labour justice spokesman Graeme Pearson said a public inquiry “cannot afford to leave any stone unturned and it must have the confidence of the victims”. Senior officials in Thatcher’s Government were alleged to have attended private sex parties with underage boys and visited a notorious guesthouse.

    A special police unit from 13 forces are thought to have drawn-up a “superlist” of celebrities and elected officials under investigation. Pearson added: “The Scottish Goverment cannot stand back from this. We know victims have been calling for action here in ­Scotland and so far we are the only part of the UK not holding any ­investigations. “With Scottish names now emerging as part of the UK investigation, we cannot afford to be left behind.”

    Evidence suggests ­Fairbairn – the former Solicitor General for Scotland who died in 1995, aged 61 – may have visited a brothel at the heart of police and parliamentary probes. It’s understood Thatcher’s legal advisor visited the ­notorious Elms Guest House, where youngsters from ­children’s homes were ­allegedly abused by high-profile visitors in the 80s. Documents seized by officers are now being used as evidence in Operation ­Fernbridge, a criminal probe into parties held at the site in Rocks Lane, south-west London.

    In 2000, Fairbairn’s family were forced to reject allegations that the flamboyant advocate was part of a paedophile ring of top Scots lawyers. Yesterday, Fairbairn’s eldest daughter Charlotte is reported to have said: “There’s nothing I can say. He’s been dead for 20 years.” Meanwhile, whistleblower Anthony Gilberthorpe – a former Conservative activist – claimed Dr Smith, who died in July 2012, had arranged for rent boys to have sex with Cabinet members.

    Anthony, 52, said he was used to procure boys as young as 15, who indulged in alcohol and cocaine before having sex with politicians at party ­conferences in Blackpool and Brighton in the 80s. He said: “Dr Smith, who I looked up to at the time and was the most ­important Tory in Scotland, told me to go and fetch some ‘­entertainment’, which was code for young boys. “It was the norm and an open secret that these older members of the Tory Party, like Dr Alistair Smith, paid for young men to join them at sex parties.

    “It was the first time I was asked to fetch them but it was hardly surprising as I was becoming one of their trusted people. I was expected to find the youngest and prettiest young boys. It was what those men wanted. “In fact, it was all they wanted. So myself and another Tory ­candidate sat on some benches underneath an archway in the Pavilion area of ­Blackpool and waited.” David Mellor, who was a Home Office minister between 1983 and 1987, dismissed Anthony’s ­allegations as “tittle-tattle”.

    He told the BBC’s Andrew Marr show: “I think this is now open season because of a pretty dodgy dossier presented to Leon Brittan by a Tory backbencher, which had very little substance in my view.” Officers investigating historic child abuse from 13 ­constabularies held a meeting in Merseyside last month. It’s understood each brought a secret list of elected officials and celebrities currently under investigation for alleged child sex abuse. A “superlist” of 21 of the best-known suspects was drawn-up, with half of those listed yet to enter the public domain.

    A Scottish Conservative spokesman said: “Police should investigate all allegations of this nature and the perpetrators should be brought to justice.” David Cameron faced further ­problems yesterday after he was accused by one of his own MPs of turning a blind eye to possible abuse by ­Government whips. Mark Reckless, a member of the Commons home affairs select committee, said the PM should order all former chief whips to reveal what they knew about child sex offence allegations. In a letter to Cameron, he called for a full public enquiry.

    He added: “Given the mass ­shredding of documents by the whips office from 1996, will you write to all Conservative Chief Whips who have held office since 1960 or their heirs where deceased and ask them to provide all documents which remain in their possession from their time in office to the Child Abuse Inquiry?” Reckless also called on him to look into whether former Attorney General Michael Havers – whose sister Lady Bulter-Sloss was due to head the inquiry into child sex abuse claims – was behind the decision to destroy papers.

  • Labour peer Barbara Castle drew up dossier on VIP homopaedo's the file was seized by Special Branch 'heavy mob'
  • Former Thatcher henchman Mellor claims exposed tory homopaedo ring is just TITTLE TATTLE
    David Mellor says Tory 'rent boy parties' claim is improbable tittle-tattle: Former minister hits back at claims made by political activist

    A former political activist triggered a furious response yesterday by claiming Tory grandees attended rent boy parties in the 1980s. Anthony Gilberthorpe alleged he witnessed top Conservatives having sex with boys at cocaine-fuelled romps in private rooms at seaside conferences.

    He named four senior figures, all now deceased, among those he says were at the sordid parties. But his allegations were denounced as ‘improbable tittle-tattle’ by former minister David Mellor who accused Mr Gilberthorpe of smearing the dead. Anthony Gilberthorpe alleges that he witnessed top Tories having sex with boys at drug-fuelled romps Gilberthorpe says he gave a dossier of information to Margaret Thatcher in 1989

    The 52-year-old was an aspiring politician when he attended Tory party conferences, starting in 1978 when he was 17. He claimed he was ‘manipulated and groomed’ to procure underage rent boys for private sex parties on the orders of senior figures in Margaret Thatcher’s government. He alleged boys as young as 15 were plied with alcohol and cocaine before they had sex with powerful politicians.

    There was also supposedly one man involved who is a current serving MP – but the Sunday Mirror, which published the claims, chose not to identify him. Former Education Secretary Sir Keith Joseph and ex-local government minister Rhodes Boyson, who both served in Mrs Thatcher’s government, were at parties attended by rent boys, said Mr Gilberthorpe. Sir Michael Havers, the former Attorney General, and Dr Alistair Smith – who was the former Tory chairman in Scotland – were also involved, he said.

    If true, it would be the first time Lord Havers – whose sister Baroness Butler-Sloss is heading the government’s inquiry into abuse – has been accused of actually being present at such a gathering. Police have set up a national VIP sex crimes group with a 'superlist' of suspects (left) while Ministers have moved to defend the appointment of Baroness Butler-Sloss to oversee an inquiry into the allegations (right) Mr Gilberthorpe says he sent a 40-page dossier to Mrs Thatcher in 1989 detailing who took part in the sex parties, but says he was warned off by a senior civil servant.

    However, his claims were rejected by Mr Mellor. Speaking on BBC One’s Andrew Marr Show, he said of the story: ‘The only people who are named are dead ... 'And so what we are dealing with is here is a lot of tittle-tattle where the libel lawyers allow them to.’ Mr Mellor accused Mr Gilberthorpe of inventing his claims because he was bitter his own political career never took off, saying: ‘He’s come up with these names, improbable names.

    'Rhodes Boyson – I don’t see Rhodes Boyson with little boys. Michael Havers: heaven’s above, an urbane fellow.’ Yesterday Mr Gilberthorpe was not available for comment, but the Sunday Mirror said he stood by his claims. Sir Rhodes’s family indicated they did not wish to comment, while Sir Keith’s son-in-law said the allegations were new to the family.

  • Margaret Thatcher 'personally covered up' for homopaedo senior ministers
    The Tory Prime Minister is said to have held a meeting with a rising star, who was tipped for promotion, and told him: “You have to clean up your sexual act”

    Margaret Thatcher personally covered up homopaedo allegations made against one of her senior ministers, according to explosive new claims. The Tory Prime Minister is said to have held a high-powered meeting with the rising star, who was being tipped for promotion, and told him: “You have to clean up your sexual act.” It followed an allegation that the minister had sexually abused young boys at the home of one of his political allies in 1982. However the minister apparently ignored the warnings.

    It is claimed that four years later he was spotted by police seeking young boys for sex at Victoria railway station in London. But no action was taken.

    The extraordinary claims made by a source with inside knowledge of Scotland Yard in the early 1980s – are now expected to be put before the Westminster child abuse ­inquiry announced last week by the Prime Minister. They go to the very heart of claims that there was an Establishment cover-up to protect politicians , judges and police officers involved in a sick ­paedophile network. David Cameron has already agreed to a full-scale investigation into historical allegations of child abuse.

    He has appointed Lady Butler-Sloss, a retired senior judge who chaired the Cleveland child abuse inquiry in the late 1980s, to head the investigation. And although the probe is in its ­infancy, its findings could be explosive – particularly if evidence emerges that a former Prime Minister knew about the allegations. Labour MP Tom Watson said: “If true, these extraordinary ­revelations reveal a remarkable state of affairs – so much so that they’re almost impossible to imagine.

    “Yet that is what people said about Jimmy Savile and look what happened with him. “These claims should be investigated by the new child-abuse inquiry.”

    According to the source, the minister’s alleged interest in abusing young boys first came to light after he stayed at the home of a constituency agent. The agent, responsible for ­securing local election success for the Tory MP, is believed to have alerted authorities. A high-level meeting involving then Prime Minister Mrs Thatcher, Home Secretary Willie Whitelaw, a senior ­policeman and an MI5 officer was held to discuss his alleged behaviour. The minister, according to the source, was then summoned to 10 Downing Street.

    But, instead of being disciplined or sacked, the minister was warned about his future behaviour and the matter was swept under the carpet. Four years later, fresh allegations surfaced.

    In 1986, the politician was alleged to have been found seeking rent boys in the men’s toilets at Victoria railway station in central London. The toilets were the target of an undercover sting by Scotland Yard detectives. Officers approached the minister and warned him about his behaviour. It is believed a report was filed by a CID officer.

    Our source says this information was relayed personally to him at the time by Alec Marnoch, a highly respected police officer and Operations Commander of the Yard’s No 8 Area which covers Westminster and the West End. Mr Marnoch, who died aged 58 in 1999 soon after his retirement, also ­intimated to the source that police working in Piccadilly Circus had got a report of the same politician importuning at one of London’s most notorious rent-boy haunts – the “chicken rack”. The “chicken rack” was a set of metal railings close to Piccadilly underground station which was a vice hotspot in the 1980s.

    Boys as young as 13 waited there to be picked up by men for sex – often VIPs such as politicians, TV stars or even policemen. Scotland Yard was unable to confirm whether the politician had been named in connection with either the “chicken rack” or Victoria Station. A spokesman for the Metropolitan Police said: “We will fully co-operate with the panel chaired by Baroness Butler-Sloss and provide detail of relevant information.

    “While these and live police investigations are ongoing it would be inappropriate to comment further.” The Sunday People has been leading the way since Mr Watson first stunned Parliament and PM David Cameron in October 2012 with claims of a high-profile paedophile network with links to 10 Downing Street. Since breaking the story, we have produced a string of exclusives about the alleged VIP paedophile ring and reveal how far it reached.

    We first revealed the existence of the “Dickens dossier” which was ­handed to then Home Secretary Leon Brittan. Its disappearance has prompted the Butler-Sloss inquiry.

    The dossier, compiled by now-dead MP Geoffrey Dickens , contained information that would blow the lid off a secret VIP paedophile network, according to Mr Dickens’s son Barry. He says that in the weeks after his father submitted the dossier, the family’s home was twice “professionally” burgled. The Home Office admits there is no trace of the dossier and that 114 “potentially relevant files” have been destroyed or lost.

    The Home Office was forced to defend Baroness Butler-Sloss, 80, after it was claimed she buried allegations about a bishop from a child-abuse review in 2011. She reportedly told a victim she did not want to include the allegations in a review of how the Church of England dealt with two paedophile priests because she “cared about the Church” and “the Press would love a bishop”. A Home Office spokesman said: “The integrity of Baroness Butler-Sloss is beyond reproach and we stand by her appointment unreservedly.”

  • Tory homopaedo whistleblower: 'I supplied underage rent boys for Margaret Thatcher's cabinet ministers'
    anthony gilberthorpe Anthony Gilberthorpe pictured in London

    Senior Tory cabinet ministers were supplied with underage boys for sex parties, it is sensationally claimed.

    Former Conservative activist Anthony Gilberthorpe said he told Margaret Thatcher 25 years ago about what he had witnessed and gave her names of those involved. His allegations that he saw top Tories having sex with boys comes after David Cameron launched a Government inquiry into claims of a cover-up. Anthony, 52, said: “I am prepared to speak to the inquiry. I believe I am a key witness.”

    Trawling seedy streets during a Tory conference, Gilberthorpe says he was asked to find underage rent boys for a private sex party at a top hotel. Today, more than three decades later, he claims he was acting on the orders of some of the most senior figures of Margaret Thatcher’s government. Anthony says he was a full-time political activist when he helped procure the “youngest and prettiest” boys for several cabinet ministers after being told to find “entertainment”.

    In a series of explosive claims about conferences at Blackpool and Brighton in the 1980s, he alleges boys as young as 15 indulged in alcohol and cocaine before they had sex with the powerful politicians. He says one person who attended a party is a current serving minister.

    Keith Joseph, Rhodes Boyson, Dr Alistair Smith and Michael Havers

    Others said to be present at the parties included Keith Joseph, Rhodes Boyson, Dr Alistair Smith and Michael Havers

    As a young aspiring politician, Mr Gilberthorpe admits being in awe of the men, but now insists: “They ­manipulated and groomed me to do their bidding.” He said: “I was just 17 when I first went to a conference in Brighton in 1978. I couldn’t believe I was rubbing ­shoulders with all these important people and I couldn’t believe that they were taking such a keen interest in me. I would have done anything for them because I was so desperate to make it in politics. “During the years I was attending conferences between 1978 and 1985, I was a full-time political activist. At the same time I was running for office in district and county council elections.”

    Mr Gilberthorpe claims that at the 1983 Blackpool conference he was asked by Dr Alistair Smith – the Tory Party Chairman in Scotland – to arrange for young rent boys to have sex with two high-profile cabinet ministers, who we are not naming today. Other MPs at that party were said to include Rhodes Boyson and Keith Joseph. In that week he presented the ­then-Prime Minister Mrs Thatcher with a cake to mark her 58th birthday. But he says he also had a more sordid role – using his young looks to find these underage boys for her ministers.

    At the time, the age of consent made it illegal to have gay sex with anyone under 21-years-old. He said: “Dr Smith, who I looked up to at the time and was the most ­important Tory in Scotland, told me to go and fetch some ‘entertainment’, which was code for young boys and handed me a handful of bank notes. There was about £120.” Mr Gilber-thorpe claims he was not shocked by the request.

    He said: “It was a norm and an open secret that these older members of the Tory party, like Dr Alistair Smith, paid for young men to join them at sex parties. “It was the first time I was asked to fetch them but it was hardly surprising as I was becoming one of their trusted people. There was a well known and used cruising area close to the Imperial Hotel, which was a conference hotel. The hotel was not open to the public. “I was expected to find the youngest and prettiest boys. It was what those men wanted. “In fact it was all they wanted.

    “So myself and another Tory candidate walked down there and sat on some benches underneath an archway in the Pavilion area of Blackpool and waited.” He said they were approached within minutes by a “guy aged about 20” called James. He went on: “I asked him if he wanted to come back to the hotel and he said ‘yes’. We asked if he had any mates and he went away and came back with two boys who were aged about 15 and no older. "It was a surreal situation as we were dressed in suits and ties and they were wearing jeans.

    “We said we would make it worth their while and the older one held out his hand and I passed him the money to share out. I promised him there would be plentiful amounts of free booze.” Mr Gilberthorpe claims he then asked hotel security to contact a man inside who worked at the Conservative Party Central Office to arrange for the three rent boys to be given security clearance and special badges that would allow them to enter the Imperial. He said: “All MPs, members of the National Executive and chosen delegates were given name badges that allowed you access to the conference hotel.

    “Some of them had a small Oscar sign in the corner which was a code to allow others to know you were allowed into these secret parties.” He claimed the Hollywood-style Oscar symbol was actually in honour of gay writer and poet Oscar Wilde. Once inside the Imperial, he says the group walked up several flights of stairs to a room where politicians were waiting for them, along with a table of cocaine. He said: “We took them straight upstairs and into a room where Dr Smith and other MPs were waiting for them at the party. They were given drinks and cocaine to snort and then they were all moved into the centre of the room.”

    Mr Gilberthorpe said he witnessed two senior Tories having sex with the boys. He said: “A couple of other MPs were in the room. I can clearly remember seeing one politician, who is now a serving Tory MP, standing there and watching.” Mr Gilberthorpe also claims that two years earlier in 1981 he saw Sir Michael Havers – then Attorney General – at a swimming pool party at the Tory conference in Blackpool, where underage boys were encouraged to perform sex acts on several politicians, who we are also not naming today. He recalled: “In 1981 I was invited back to the Imperial Hotel by a ­Conservative councillor. “He was a big player in the notorious right-wing group the Monday Club.

    “We arrived at around midnight and I was led down some stairs to a door where two men were stood as security. “We were allowed to enter and I was led through a tiled changing room where there were piles of clothes strewn across the floor. We then walked into an area where there was a large pool and lots of men either stood around naked or simply wrapped in towels. “Among the MPs I recognised in there were Keith Joseph and Rhodes Boyson. I saw the Attorney General Michael Havers down there as well.

    “There were a couple of glass tables set up as a mini bar with bottles of spirits on them and there was cocaine on several tables. I saw several boys who were clearly aged between 15 and 16 down there and I saw that a few were performing sex acts on MPs. “Other young men were acting as waiters walking around with little black bow ties on. I was completely shocked by it because I was still only 20 and I had never seen anything like it.” He added: “I stayed for a couple of hours but was tired because a conference was always a boozy affair where mainly spirits were drunk in large ­quantities from about 5pm onwards.”

    Mr Gilberthorpe, now 52, says he also attended a sex party at the Grand Hotel in Brighton during the Conservatives’ 1984 conference. On the night before the seafront hotel was hit by an IRA bomb attack, he claims he saw senior MPs engaging in sex acts with boys below the age of consent at a “corridor party” held in a row of rooms on the fourth floor. He said: “There were two guys on the door at the end of the corridor and because we were in the group I was allowed to enter. Several doors were left open and others were closed.

    “There were several men walking from one room to another and enjoying sex acts with other naked men, including boys who were clearly only about 15 or 16 years old. I saw Keith Joseph there and a politician who is now still a serving MP. “It was held on the night before the bomb went off and afterwards one MP crudely joked that it was a good job it was, or there would have been rent boys falling through the floor.” Mr Gilberthorpe, who decided to finally break his silence because he fears an Establishment cover-up, also claims that in the aftermath of the bombing, in which five people were killed, he was asked to look after two rent boys.

    He said: “I rushed over there from my hotel after I heard the blast and saw Keith Joseph stood outside in a blanket.” Yesterday he said: “I was a teenager when I first met these men and they manipulated me and groomed me to do their bidding.

    “Because they were the most powerful men in the land, I was led to believe it was all OK. In truth they were abusers and once they had tired of me they simply discarded me. It is time this came to light before anyone else is abused. “They didn’t think they were doing anything wrong and it was the norm then. They felt untouchable.”

  • Tory homopaedo whistleblower: 'Margaret Thatcher knew all about underage sex ring among ministers'
  • Homopaedo's at Westminster changed the law to suit the homosexual agenda
    george thomas The Speaker who was blackmailed over gay sex secrets: Westminster's most powerful official had 'interest in young men'... and was in charge when MP Dickens compiled missing paedophile dossier

    The row over claims of an establishment cover-up of an alleged paedophile ring took a new turn last night over fresh claims concerning former Commons Speaker George Thomas. When late Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens tried to expose public figures he claimed were involved in a Westminster child sex ring in the 1980s, Thomas, who was in the Speaker’s chair at the time, had himself been blackmailed over his homosexuality. Thomas, who later became Viscount Tonypandy, propositioned young men in the Speaker’s official grace and favour apartment in Parliament.

    A senior political source said: ‘Thomas had an interest in young men and did not hide it at Westminster.’ In the 1960s, Thomas was a Minister in the Home Office, which is accused of losing over 114 files on alleged child sex cases, including Dickens’S dossier in the 1980s. And he reportedly used his Home Office position to help Liberal leader Jeremy Thorpe – who was later acquitted of attempted murder of his gay lover – to cover up an alleged homosexual offence against a minor.

    The disclosures follow the announcement of official inquiries into claims of a Westminster paedophile ring and a Home Office cover-up. Thomas, who died in 1997, was one of Britain’s best-loved and most influential public figures as Speaker from 1976 to 1983. A Methodist lay preacher, he was a Home Office Minister in Harold Wilson’s Labour Government and joined the Cabinet.

    As Speaker, he had unrivalled power, including control of Commons debates, security and disciplining MPs and even reading the lesson at Prince Charles’s 1981 wedding to Lady Diana Spencer. Close friend and fellow Welsh Labour MP Leo Abse revealed before his death in 2008 that his friend and ally Thomas lived in constant fear of being unmasked as a homosexual. Abse, who led the campaign to legalise homosexuality, said Thomas was blackmailed for being gay and added: ‘The slightest tremor of scandal, however faintly reverberating into his private domain, reduced him to jelly.

    ‘In 1976, I found him grey-faced and trembling,’ said Abse. ‘Investigative journalists were pursuing inquiries into Thorpe. They had reached the conclusion that 16 years earlier, political intervention saved Thorpe from being prosecuted for a homosexual offence against a minor. 'They believed that when Thorpe became embroiled in another scandal in 1964, he feared Home Office records of his earlier misbehaviour would wreck his efforts to free himself.’

    Abse said Thorpe – using his friend, fraudster and Liberal MP Peter Bessell, as an intermediary – ‘turned to George for help. Yielding to Bessell’s importuning, George set up a private meeting between Bessell and the Home Secretary [Frank Soskice]’. ‘George was frightened the journalists would be more interested in his own sexual proclivities than in Thorpe’s,’ added Abse. 'He asked for £800 to pay extortioner... he felt trapped'

    Labour MP Leo Abse, who led the campaign to legalise homosexuality, died six years ago. In 2001, in a book on Tony Blair, Mr Abse revealed how his friend, the former Commons Speaker George Thomas, was secretly blackmailed for being gay.


    The phone rang at 6am. ‘George here,’ came a familiar voice. It was my friend George Thomas, secret homosexual and – until barely a year beforehand – superb Speaker of the House of Commons. His voice sounded strangulated, and George was sobbing. ‘I’m in terrible, terrible trouble. Come quickly.’

    I immediately thought he was phoning me from a police station. My heart sank. I feared he was about to be crushed by scandal. Revelations: Labour MP Leo Abse was a loyal friend of George Thomas Revelations: Labour MP Leo Abse was a loyal friend of George Thomas I knew I had to dash to him; he would panic if there was the slightest sign of a crack in the thin ice upon which he skated all his life. George was 75 and one of the best-known men in Britain.

    He had been Speaker for seven years, an MP since 1945, Home Office Minister in the 1960s and Secretary of State for Wales. He was a prominent lay preacher, read the lesson at the wedding of the Prince and Princess of Wales, and enjoyed a warm relationship with the Queen Mother. During his political life, George could benignly sublimate his inclinations. But those inclinations could not always be contained under the fraternal rubric. Sometimes, overwhelmed, what he regarded as lapses did occur.

    Given his exposed position, it was inevitable that he would fall victim to blackmail. On one occasion, after a distraught recounting to me of the pressure upon him, I insisted I would meet and deal with the young criminal in his Cardiff constituency into whose hands he had fallen. The blackmailing cur had no doubt that, unless he desisted, I would carry out my threat to ensure he was put behind bars for ten years. Shortly after our encounter, he found it politic to quit the city. George had always been on the edge of catastrophe.

    I learnt he was visiting a grubby cinema in Westminster where, under cover of the darkness, groping prevailed unchecked. I warned him against his lack of discretion. Alarmed that I had been able to know about his haunt, he thereafter kept well away from it. But there were times when my advice had gone unheeded. While still a backbench MP, he asked me for a loan. The specificity and size of the loan, £800, aroused my suspicions.

    He poured out the story. I urged him to let me deal with this extortioner. But to no avail. That sum – the ticket and resettlement money which was to take the man to Australia – would, George insisted, mark the end of the affair. I had profound misgivings but I could see George was near breaking point. I gave him the money. The slightest tremor of scandal, however faintly reverberating into his private domain, reduced him to jelly.

    One such occasion was in 1976 when, summoned to his sitting room in the Speaker’s house, I found him grey-faced and trembling. Journalists were pursuing inquiries into the then Liberal leader, Jeremy Thorpe. They had concluded that, 16 years earlier, political intervention saved Thorpe from being prosecuted for a homosexual offence against a minor. They also believed that when Thorpe became embroiled in another scandal in 1964, he feared Home Office records of his earlier misbehaviour would wreck his efforts to free himself.

    Thorpe – using fraudulent Liberal MP Peter Bessell, as an intermediary – had turned to George, then a junior Home Office Minister, for help. Yielding to Bessell’s importuning, George had set up a private meeting between Bessell and the Home Secretary. The journalists wanted a probing interview with George. He felt trapped.

    He was frightened his motivation in assisting Bessell was under scrutiny and that the journalists, if denied the interview, would become more interested in his own sexual proclivities than in Thorpe’s. I had noted at funerals and marriages his penchant for using texts from the epistle to the Corinthians (on the ‘sin’ of homosexuality) – as he would again in the marriage of the Prince and Princess of Wales in 1981. I told him he must pull rank and indicate the impropriety of the Speaker granting a private interview. He took my advice, and regained his equanimity.

    He never again turned to me for assistance – until that poignant early-morning call in 1984, the year after his retirement. It turned out he was not at a police station, as I feared, but in a hospital. Puzzled and concerned, I rushed to him. There was, I knew, a link between his past flights into illness and dangerous threats of exposure.

    Once, when he was a backbencher, it drove him into hospital with a bout of shingles. Sometimes, overwhelmed with praise, his guilt at the encomiums being bestowed upon such a ‘sinner’ crushed him. (He collapsed at a party given for him at Guildhall to celebrate his 80th birthday.) I wondered, as I approached the hospital that dawn, what ghost had visited the haunted man this time. Before I even arrived, he phoned my wife three times. I reached George’s bed and found him convulsively sobbing. He grabbed my hand and said he was ruined. Soon the whole world would know that he was in hospital suffering from ... venereal disease.

    I chastened him to get a grip. ‘Waterworks’ was the answer, I explained. He should allow it to be known he had been rushed to hospital with prostate difficulties. It worked. George entered enthusiastically into the tale I had created for him. He even sent me, from the hospital, a beflowered ‘thank you’ card obviously designed to be shown to my wife. It read: ‘Dear Leo, I shall be for ever grateful. Strangely enough there had been no need for me to worry – it was all in my brain! I am due for the prostate gland operation next Wednesday. Love to you all. George.’

    My wife laughed indulgently at his naivety that she would be deceived; but it helped George to think so and very soon he was out of hospital – taking, I hoped, the precautions that would avoid his ever again being placed in such a predicament. Once, after I had saved him from the consequences of some escapade, he could not contain his anger against the homophobic hostilities which had so dogged him. With tears in his eyes, he railed: ‘Bust them, Leo. I do not care a damn what is said after I’m dead but I couldn’t stand them taunting me in my lifetime.’

  • Houses of Parliament a den of homopaedo's and their protectors
    Westminster 'chumocracy' has protected itself from paedophile revelations, claims Cameron's advisor on child abuse

    David Cameron's advisor on child abuse has lashed out at the Westminster 'chumocracy' that has protected itself from allegations of paedophilia. Tory junior minister Claire Perry said Parliament was full of 'too many people with the same interests and the same out-of-touch sense of entitlement coming together to protect their own'.

    Her damning remarks come amid allegations that a paedophile network was operating in Westminster and was being protected by senior politicians. Home Secretary Theresa May this week launched an inquiry into organisations including churches, the security services and the BBC. A separate review will also examine the failures in Westminster to properly investigate allegations of sexual abuse. It came after it emerged last week that an explosive dossier of papers allegedly naming high-profile child abusers in Westminster had been handed to the Home Office in the 1980s - but had since gone missing. Miss Perry, the MP for Devizes, questioned why it has taken so long to take the allegations seriously.

    Writing in her local newspaper The Wiltshire Gazette and Herald she said: 'Why has it taken so many years for allegations to be believed and action to be taken? 'Part of the problem can be traced, in my view, to the ‘chumocracy’ that for too long has been at the heart of the so-called Establishment, consisting of too many people with the same interests and the same out-of-touch sense of entitlement coming together to protect their own. 'It is this sort of persistent ‘otherness’ that so many of us are determined to change, to make the system more representative, more real and more normal. Some may say we have not succeeded yet but we will keep on trying.'

    Miss Perry added: 'The other, and more worrying part of the problem is the way that the voices of victims were ignored for so long – children told to keep quiet, ridiculed, or threatened – with tragically the most vulnerable of all being more likely to be targeted for abuse. 'That, to me, is the real scandal and we must do all we can to make sure that when victims speak out they are heard and action is taken.”

  • Have Britain's political party whips covered up the crimes of homopaedo politicians in order to exert political power?
  • £500,000 of taxpayers money went to fund homopaedo ring
  • Homopaedo's operate inside British Home Office
  • Britain's Home(opeado) Office
    Steven Smith and  Barry Cutler Steven Smith and Barry Cutler

    Child abusers in the Home Office: Amid the growing furore over a cover-up of a paedophile ring at the heart of Westminster, an expose of the true extent of the scandal

    Deep inside the British Library, on the shelves of a ‘restricted’ section off-limits to casual visitors, lies a little-known book called The Betrayal Of Youth. Published in 1986, with a print run of just a few hundred copies, the £7.99 paperback has the dry, unprovocative appearance of a piece of academic literature. Peer beneath its yellowing cover, however, and you will soon discover that its contents are anything but.

    The 200-page tome, which I examined this week, contains a series of essays offering what it calls: ‘Radical perspectives on Childhood Sexuality, Intergenerational Sex, and the Social Oppression of Children and Young People.’ Steven Smith (left) boasted that he ran the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE) from behind his desk at the Home Office, while Barry Cutler (right) worked in the same building in the security department This, it turns out, is a sort of code: for The Betrayal Of Youth is, in fact, a sinister — and at times downright revolting — anthology designed to convince readers that sex with children should be legalised.

    The book’s editor was Warren Middleton, a prominent activist with the Paedophile Information Exchange [PIE], the notorious lobby group formed in the Seventies to campaign for the ‘rights’ of predatory sex offenders. Its purpose was to lend a faux-academic gloss to this organisation’s repulsive belief that the age of consent ought to be abolished. ‘Why do [people] so vociferously defend children’s right to say no to sex while conveniently overlooking their equivalent right to say yes?’ was how Middleton set out this stall, in his introduction.

    Warming to this theme, in the ensuing pages, was an essay by Father Michael Ingram, a Dominican priest later convicted of child rape. ‘I have always intimated that many paedophiles are genuine child-lovers,’ he declared. ‘They are affectionate and caring and have a lot to offer children.’ Also in the book was an essay by PIE activist Roger Moody entitled: How To Make Paedophilia Acceptable, followed by a screed by Beatrice Faust, a radical Australian feminist who worked closely with Germaine Greer.

    ‘[Paedophilia] belongs among the sexual curios,’ argued Faust. ‘It is puzzling, but hardly a moral infection.’ Perhaps the most chilling contribution to this appalling literary enterprise could, however, be found in its final pages. There sat a biographical essay by Steven Adrian Smith, a man who had achieved notoriety as the chairman of PIE from 1979 onwards. Over the course of roughly a dozen pages, Smith told an extraordinary tale.

    It described how he had managed, for almost four years, to secretly run the child sex organisation from a small room at the London headquarters of the Home Office, where he worked. ‘PIE did actually have an office in Westminster,’ he gloated, ‘and it was only a smirk away from the desk of the Home Secretary.’ Astonishingly, Smith revealed that, from 1979, he was able not just to gain employment at the Home Office, but also spend most of his (publicly-funded) working day discreetly running PIE affairs from his desk there.

    He kept membership files (and child pornography) in his office cabinet, wrote PIE newsletters on his desk, and printed them on a department photocopier. He even manned PIE’s telephone hotline in the room he occupied at the Home Office’s HQ in Queen Anne’s Gate. ‘I was employed by a firm of electrical contractors, Complete Maintenance Limited, to monitor a control panel of alarm systems,’ he explained.

    ‘The job entailed practically no work on my part, beyond attending the panel, and, in fact, I had a furnished office completely to myself seven days a week on a rotating shift basis. ‘Much of PIE’s less sensitive file material was stored in locked cabinets there, where no police raid would ever have found them.’ Smith owed this cushy existence to a classic piece of public sector incompetence.

    ‘Every year, my security clearance was renewed by Scotland Yard, without my connection with PIE being discovered,’ he boasted. Indeed, it was only thanks to the inquisitive Press that Smith was ever rumbled: in 1982, acting on a tip-off, the News of the World made his existence public. ‘My security clearance was cancelled on the spot, my employers notified, and I found myself not sacked, but “rendered without employment”,’ he recalled.

    So far, so scandalous. But this week, more than three decades later, Steven Smith was once more in the news. On Monday, his long-forgotten infiltration of Whitehall — exposed, let us not forget, by the News of the World which was shut down in the phone-hacking imbroglio — was rediscovered by BBC reporters. They cited it as further evidence that a paedophile ring operated throughout the era, at the heart of the political Establishment.

    The BBC’s story came just days after the Home Office was forced to admit that 114 of its files relating to PIE are ‘missing’, presumed to have been destroyed. They are said to include a dossier of papers detailing paedophile activity among leading MPs and public figures compiled by the late Conservative MP Geoffrey Dickens and handed to then-Home Secretary Leon Brittan in 1983. Lord Brittan now claims he in turn passed it to civil servants and prosecutors. But its contents seem never to have been properly acted on.

    Two separate public inquiries have been set up in an attempt to establish what exactly went on, at the Home Office and elsewhere. One, by Lady Butler-Sloss, is designed to be a lengthy investigation into the handling of child-abuse allegations by a range of public institutions, including schools, care homes and the Church. The other, by NSPCC head Peter Wanless, will focus on how the Home Office handled recent allegations of child abuse in the early Eighties. It is due to report in ten weeks’ time.

    Whatever the outcome, both seem guaranteed to cover explosive ground, if events at Queen Anne’s Gate during the era are anything to go by. For dig into Home Office history — as I have done in recent days —and you will discover that Steven Adrian Smith sits at the tip of a large and murky iceberg. Take, for example, the question of how Smith managed to get away with running the PIE from the heart of Whitehall in the first place.

    Shockingly, it seems that many in the civil service knew all about his peccadilloes, and indeed actually tolerated them — perhaps due to the misguided belief (then prevalent in liberal circles) that paedophiles were a minority deserving of protection. As a result, the Home Office only moved to remove Smith when he began to create ugly headlines. ‘Home Office security chiefs knew all about Steven Adrian Smith’s links with PIE,’ the News of the World reported when it exposed him.

    ‘A Home Office spokesman said: “We’re aware of Smith’s background, and since you contacted us he has been told he’s no longer acceptable to us. "He no longer works here. It would be true to say he would still be here if you hadn’t been in touch.” ’ Smith was not the only PIE official on the Ministry’s payroll, either.

    Indeed, later in the book The Betrayal Of Youth, he revealed that the organisation’s Secretary, Barry Cutler, also worked at Queen Anne’s Gate, in the security department. Cutler was also exposed by a Sunday newspaper soon after Smith. But so relaxed were Home Office officials about paedophilia that they did nothing to prevent either man from covering their tracks. ‘The extent of security chiefs’ knowledge of my activities did not prompt them to investigate the contents of my filing cabinets,’ wrote Smith.

    ‘A carload of PIE files was safely spirited from the building before it could occur to them to intervene.’ No one at the Home Office took responsibility for this scandalous oversight. It wasn’t until 1984 that Smith faced any form of justice, after being charged with child porn offences thanks to a child safety campaigner called Charles Oxley, who finally did what the authorities had spent years failing to do, and infiltrated PIE. Yet through further Home Office incompetence, or perhaps indifference, Smith was allowed to escape to Holland, where he successfully claimed political asylum by saying he was part of a persecuted minority group.

    He remained there until 1991, when he returned to the UK in the (apparent) belief that he would not be re-arrested. He was mistaken, and at the Old Bailey found himself jailed for 18 months.

    ‘PIE did actually have an office in Westminster, and it was only a smirk away from the desk of the Home Secretary.’ - Steven Smith, PIE member

    Interestingly, his defence counsel was one Adrian Fulford, a Left-leaning barrister with close links to PIE, who had co-founded an organisation called Conspiracy Against Public Morals (CAPM) in the early Eighties. The CAPM defended PIE leaders facing criminal charges as it was opposed on principle to the use of charges of conspiracy to corrupt public morals. Fulford, who attended meetings with PIE chairman Tom O’Carroll, later co-founded the Campaign for Homosexual Equality (CHE) which collaborated with high-profile paedophile and PIE activist Barry Cutler.

    Cutler sat on the board of the Campaign for Homosexual Equality (serving for years alongside Labour minister Chris Smith) until 2011, when he was convicted of being part of a child pornography ring. These days, Sir Adrian Fulford is Lord Justice Fulford, a senior Appeal Court judge who as a Privy Counsellor advises the Queen. When his links to PIE were revealed by the Mail on Sunday early this year, Sir Adrian apologised and said: ‘On reflection, the NCCL [National Council for Civil Liberties] gay rights committee should never have allowed members of PIE to attend any of its meetings — I am very sorry for what happened.’

    He underwent a disciplinary investigation by the judiciary’s self-regulator, the Judicial Conduct Investigations Office. The JCIO announced last month that it had ‘fully exonerated’ Lord Justice Fulford of misconduct, but the full findings of its disciplinary investigation have not been published. This fact sparked criticism from the influential legal commentator Joshua Rozenberg, who argued that ‘nothing less’ than full disclosure would convince the public that the self-regulating judiciary were not ‘looking after their own’.

    Back at the Home Office, further institutional failures became even more evident in November 1983, when a whistleblower revealed that an employee at Queen Anne’s Gate had been caught two years earlier receiving parcels containing child pornography. One package, containing 12 obscene letters and 57 photos and projector slides, was addressed to the civil servant and discovered in his pigeon hole. But rather than call in the police, mandarins decided to ‘keep it in the family’ by mounting an internal investigation.

    No action was taken, he was allowed to keep his job, and the affair was kept secret because civil servants believed, according to a newspaper, that ‘the confidentiality of the recipient [of the illegal child pornography] must be upheld’. At the same time as reaching this shameful decision, Home Office bosses decided to commission an internal report on the age of consent. The staff chosen to carry out this delicate exercise were a pair of Left-leaning criminologists called Ron Walmsley and Karen White.

    In keeping with their liberal principles, the duo’s booklet, Sexual Offences, Consent And Sentencing, argued that the age of consent should be lowered to 14 — and 12 in some cases — and penalties for incest reduced. One chapter said that many girls reach puberty before their tenth birthday and may not only want sex but initiate it themselves. This line of thinking was music to the ears of the PIE, whose founder Tom O’Carroll swiftly praised Walmsley and White in his sexual ‘manifesto’, a book called Paedophilia, The Radical Case.

    Advancing PIE’s vile agenda is bad enough. But perhaps the most damaging charge recently levelled against the Home Office for what happened during the Seventies is that it also helped to finance it. This extraordinary claim was first made last year by Tim Hulbert, a retired civil servant, who in 1979 worked for its Voluntary Services Unit, which distributed grants to non-profit-making organisations. During the first year of the Thatcher administration, Mr Hulbert says he was shocked to discover an application for a renewal of around £30,000 of funding for PIE. He alerted his boss, Clifford Hindley, but was told in a ‘frank exchange’ to drop things.

    ‘Hindley gave me three reasons,’ Mr Hulbert says. ‘One, PIE was recognised as a legitimate campaigning organisation. Two, this was a renewal of an existing grant. 'Three, that PIE was being funded at the request of Special Branch, who found it politically useful to keep an eye on paedophiles.’ Tim Hulbert was duly silenced. He went on to have a successful career in public life, rising to head of social services at Bedfordshire County Council, before retiring in the Nineties.

    In 2013, however, amid growing rumours of a network of paedophiles in high places, he passed on details to the Labour MP Tom Watson. Shortly afterwards, his claims (but not his identity) became public. And at this point, things became murkier still. Firstly, it emerged that the Home Office’s Clifford Hindley, who died in 2006, had for much of his life had an obsessive, academic interest in gay relationships between men and boys — and may even have been a PIE member.

    Secondly, the Home Office announced a formal inquiry into Mr Hulbert’s claims. But — in a typical example of Whitehall’s culture of secrecy and unaccountability — insisted the identity of the man carrying out the inquiry remain secret. Even MPs have been prevented from knowing who exactly he is, learning only that he works at the HMRC.

    The veil of secrecy surrounding his identity suggests he may be one of many security service officers seconded to HMRC. The Home Office will not formally comment on this matter. But if the man is indeed a spy, then his appointment to investigate this scandal — which, remember, revolves around suggestions that the security services were behind the public funding of PIE — would represent a terrible conflict of interest. Either way, the man leading the inquiry promptly approached Hulbert for evidence. But according to friends, ‘did so in such a way as to make Tim feel threatened’.

    Hulbert was told, for example, that he should consider having a lawyer with him when talking to the inquiry, which according to friends ‘left him thinking he might face disciplinary action if he said the wrong thing’. Hulbert also sought assurances that he would not be prosecuted for accidentally breaking the Official Secrets Act while testifying. But no such assurance was forthcoming, so he decided to give his initial evidence in writing. After carefully filing his submission, he then expected the inquiry leader (whose identity is known to the Mail) to contact him confirming receipt and asking follow-up questions.

    No such contact was made. And despite a string of calls and messages from Hulbert, all of which went unanswered, the two men never actually spoke. Nothing happened for several months. Then, on Monday the Home Office decided suddenly to publish the investigation. Its report described Tim Hulbert’s evidence as ‘hazy’ and ‘vague’ and claimed there was no documentary evidence of payments to PIE (ignoring the fact that such documents could be among the 114 ‘missing’ files).

    All of which seemed unconvincing, given that the author of the report had never bothered to cross-examine Mr Hulbert. ‘Tim is very angry,’ says a friend. ‘He has run investigations and internal inquiries, and if someone had handed him that report, he would have thought it was a bad joke. 'As to being called vague, Tim says he’s as clear about his recollection of that meeting in 1979 as if it happened yesterday.’

    ‘From a political point of view, my evidence is incredibly embarrassing and dangerous, and I believe the Home Office is now interested only in burying this once and for all,’ - Whistleblower Tim Hulbert

    Mr Hulbert, who came forward and identified himself this week, hopes to be allowed to give evidence to the Wanless inquiry as it investigates whether the Home Office failed to act on claims of child sex abuse in the dossier handed over in the Eighties. But given his previous experience, Mr Hulbert can be forgiven for wondering if the Establishment really wants to get to the bottom of this affair. ‘From a political point of view, my evidence is incredibly embarrassing and dangerous, and I believe the Home Office is now interested only in burying this once and for all,’ he says.

    If history has taught us anything, it is that tolerating and promoting the paedophile agenda — not to mention covering it up — can have awful consequences. In 2011, former Home Office official and PIE member Steven Smith, who changed his name to Steven Freeman, appeared at the Old Bailey alongside his old literary collaborator Warren Middleton — editor of The Betrayal Of Youth — who had changed his name to John Parratt. The pair were found guilty of orchestrating a massive child pornography ring whose members shared thousands of images of abuse along with computer games in which players had to rape as many young boys as possible.

    So large was the collection of ‘vile and disgusting’ child pornography found at Smith’s home, the court heard, that it was ‘among the worst’ officers had ever seen. Smith remains in prison. Middleton, meanwhile, has been released and has been allowed to take up residence at a block of council flats in Putney, South-West London. He refused to talk when I visited this week.

    Within half a mile of his new home are four primary schools, three nursery schools and two playgrounds. A sobering reminder, perhaps, of the degree to which the authorities are either unwilling, or unable, to protect the public from the former members of the Paedophile Information Exchange who still live in their midst.

  • Houses of Parliament a den of homopaedo's and their protectors
  • Liberal homopaedo MP Cyril Smith avoided prosecution thanks to the cops and crown
    How Cyril Smith went free when he COULD have been put on trial: Prosecutors ruled there was 'realistic' chance of conviction but advised against case because he was told he wouldn't face charges

    Prosecutors ruled there was a realistic chance of convicting Cyril Smith of child sex offences 12 years before he died. But they advised against bringing a case because the Liberal politician had been assured decades earlier that he would not face charges.

    Documents made public yesterday also reveal that police knew of three potential witnesses to Smith’s abuse but failed to interview them. Since his death in 2010 at the age of 82, the former MP for Rochdale has been exposed as a serial molester of scores of young boys. He escaped justice despite repeated complaints by his victims and a series of inquiries.

    Lancashire Police investigated him in 1969 over complaints that he abused eight teenage boys at a hostel in Rochdale. But the then Director of Public Prosecutions, Sir Norman Skelhorn, rejected the case, ruling the following year that the allegations were ‘somewhat stale’ and ‘completely without corroboration’. In 1998 the Crown Prosecution Service was asked to review the original file of evidence – and its resulting advice to police was finally released yesterday after a lengthy Freedom of Information battle.

    Peter Watson, Crown prosecutor for Rochdale, noted in his ruling at the time that the alleged victims living in the hostel all complained of ‘virtually the same type of indecent misconduct’ and had given consistent accounts. He said it was understandable that they had failed to complain immediately given Smith’s imposing physical size and position of authority. Mr Watson added that the politician’s response to the allegations was ‘by no means convincing’ because he had not addressed the boys’ specific claims. He concluded: ‘I have arrived at the firm view, having regard in particular to the number and nature of the complaints and how they came to be made, that there would be a realistic prospect of conviction.’

    But the prosecutor went on to recommend against charging Smith because police had told him back in March 1970 that he would not face further action. He said: ‘If a decision was reached to institute proceedings, then the prosecution would undoubtedly face legal argument from the defence to the effect that it would be an abuse of the process of the court to allow the prosecution to continue with its case. My own view in this case is that the defence would be more likely than not to be successful.’ No prosecution was brought – but then two more men came forward to Manchester police to make complaints against Smith and a further file was submitted in 1999.

    This time Mr Watson ruled against any action because one did not constitute a crime and the evidence in the second claim was ‘not particularly strong’. But he observed that detectives were aware of other people who might have relevant information – yet had not spoken to them. He wrote: ‘I have been told that there are three further potential witnesses whose identities are known but who have not been interviewed by the police. Whether or not they should be traced and interviewed is entirely an operational matter for the police. ‘I do not think that it would be appropriate for me to offer any advice or recommendation upon that aspect of the case.’

    In 2012 the CPS stressed that Smith would have faced prosecution had the same allegations been made against him today. Rochdale’s current MP Labour’s Simon Danczuk said: ‘I have spoken to police officers involved in Operation Cleopatra and they thought Cyril Smith was guilty as hell. ‘They will be extremely disappointed that the CPS were in a hurry to shred the evidence.’

    Victim called himself 'daddy's little princess'

    A boy linked to the alleged Westminster paedophile ring was so traumatised by his ordeal that he despairingly referred to himself as ‘daddy’s little princess’, it emerged last night. The tormented youngster also had a pet name for one of his suspected attackers that suggested he was a politician who later became a cabinet minister. The disclosures were made by a care worker who comforted the youngster when he was rescued from years of alleged abuse at the Elm Guest House in Barnes, South-West London.

    The care worker was present when the boy – then eight or nine – was taken into care in 1982 and interviewed by police about his ordeal. The child said the suspected abuser worked in ‘the big house’, which detectives believed could have meant the Houses of Parliament. He also provided social workers with the man’s first name, which the Mail is not revealing for legal reasons.

    With the help of overseas law enforcement agencies, Scotland Yard traced the alleged victim, now in his 40s, to the United States in a bid to gather further evidence about his suffering three decades ago. But according to sources in America, the alleged victim either changed his story or declined to give a statement elaborating on what he told police in the 1980s.

    A Labour minister suspected of sexually abusing children with a convicted paedophile tried to help the pervert foster two young brothers, it was claimed yesterday. The politician, said to be close to Tony Blair, was alleged to have brought pressure on social services to allow children’s home boss Michael John Carroll to get care of two vulnerable boys aged 12 and 14. Carroll said the claim was nonsense.

  • Have Britain's political party whips covered up the crimes of homopaedo politicians in order to exert political power?
  • £500,000 of taxpayers money went to fund homopaedo ring
  • Homopaedo's operate inside British Home Office